Data or dialogue? The role of information in disasters
This year’s World Disasters Report considers the quality
of communication between aid givers and receivers, and what impact
this has on vulnerable people. The report examines how information
is handled before, during and after disasters. It analyses thematic
issues such as consulting with affected people, assessing needs,
mapping risks and sharing information. And it looks at the role
of both local and international media, and the impact of information
and communication technology on humanitarian relief.
Information
is a vital form of aid in itself – but this is not sufficiently
recognized among humanitarian organizations. Disaster-affected people
need information as much as water, food, medicine or shelter. Information
can save lives, livelihoods and resources. It may be the only form
of disaster preparedness the most vulnerable can afford. Yet aid
organizations focus mainly on gathering information for themselves
and not enough on exchanging information with the people they aim
to support.
Early warning of disasters is the most obvious way in which accurate,
timely information can make the difference between life and death.
In Cuba, for example, a high public awareness of disasters has ensured
that death tolls from hurricanes are far lower than in neighbouring
countries. Cubans understand the warnings issued by their meteorologists
and relayed by the media. They know what to do and where to go.
Vulnerable communities keep in close contact with government at
all levels – unlike in Haiti which, undermined by political
violence and deforestation, suffers many more disaster deaths.
Cuba’s success shows that scientific knowledge alone isn’t
enough – information only becomes useful when it’s shared
with people at risk. Those with the best information about the oncoming
Indian Ocean tsunami in December 2004, for example, were scientists
in the Pacific. But they were unable to communicate warnings to
those people in the path of disaster.
After disaster has struck, emergency relief should be based on
a thorough assessment of survivors’ needs and capacities.
However, numerous evaluations have shown that agencies often base
initial relief distributions on guesswork, without establishing
accurate information on needs. The reasons for this include: competition
between agencies, pressure from the media and donors, and the arrival
of planeloads of relief items which need shifting into the field.
As a result, the needs of some vulnerable groups can be missed.
A key lesson from the tsunami is that agencies must find better
ways of combining emergency response with rapid, participatory needs
assessments.
Another lesson from past disasters – including the tsunami
– is that poor coordination between agencies in the field
leads to duplication of assessments. Less than a quarter of the
200 agencies present in Aceh a month after the tsunami had provided
UN coordinators with activity reports. International agencies are
bad at sharing information with themselves, let alone with disaster-affected
people. But civil society in affected areas can lead the way. In
south India, for example, local NGOs set up the Nagapattinam coordination
cell to capture and convey information between 100 tsunami-affected
villages and disaster agencies.
During disaster response, consultation and transparency are key
principles governing relations between aid agencies and survivors.
However, evaluators of the tsunami response in Aceh found no consistent
consultation with beneficiaries. Relief workers were unsure what
kinds of information should be shared, especially with traumatized
populations. Communication was undermined by the perceived urgency
of the response, high amounts of ‘unrestricted’ funds
available, lack of strategic planning, the need to quickly stake
claim to ‘operating niches’, and limited knowledge of
how to consult local populations or why it was important.
Slow-onset disasters provide better opportunities for consultation.
During Zimbabwe’s food shortages in 2003, Save the Children
(UK) set up feedback committees through which children could express
their views and influence aid distribution. The transparency this
created proved vital in building trust between the agency and affected
people.
As well as limitations in gathering feedback, aid agencies could
do more to give information to affected populations – doing
so can help meet survivors’ psychological needs. Some agencies
helped people trace relatives and friends missing after the tsunami,
using satellite phones. In Sri Lanka, the Belgian Red Cross explained
the scientific causes of the tsunami to survivors, to help dispel
their feeling that the disaster was a ‘punishment from god’.
Local media can play a critical role in supplying survivors with
vital information, but they received little outside help after the
tsunami.
Radio in particular is a very accessible medium for poor people
– especially women in their homes. Apart from radio’s
uses to supply information after sudden onset disasters, skilfully
produced radio dramas can be used to help reduce ongoing disaster
risks. In Afghanistan, for example, a long-running BBC soap opera
in local languages has been shown to change listeners’ attitudes
and behaviour towards risks such as landmines and infectious diseases.
Turning to the role of international media, some aid workers blame
journalists for not doing more to highlight the world’s ‘forgotten
crises’. The tsunami dominated news headlines for weeks, leading
to record public donations. Meanwhile chronic disasters caused by
war, drought and disease attract little attention. However, few
aid agencies have themselves focused on places and people in greatest
need. Instead, they tend to follow the flow of media coverage and
donor resources.
Evidence suggests the media are giving more coverage to disasters
than in the past, but there is insufficient dialogue between humanitarians
and journalists. As the translators of humanitarian need to the
wider world, aid organizations could do far more to highlight neglected
crises with donors, journalists and the public.
News journalism has been transformed by advances in digital technology
and the Internet, but aid organizations risk being left behind.
Information technology presents exciting new possibilities as a
form of aid in itself. Early warning, disaster relief and risk reduction
have all been revolutionised by the growing availability of mobile
phones. After Gujarat’s 2001 earthquake, for example, the
local women’s union SEWA distributed 200 handsets to its staff,
enabling them to communicate without returning to headquarters.
SEWA also used satellite TV to conduct video-conferences with its
field staff and to broadcast public interviews with government officials.
The tsunami marked a turning point in the role of information technology
in disasters. New forms of ‘people-to-people’ communication,
including ‘blogging’, have shown their effectiveness.
Aid agencies could make blogging sites more effective by providing
their own information to bloggers as well as demanding more information
from them about needs and responses. Agencies should sponsor wider
access for vulnerable communities to such technology.
To conclude, the flow of information and communication between
aid agencies and affected people during disasters remains very poor.
Yet the Code of Conduct for the International Red Cross and Red
Crescent Movement and NGOs in Disaster Relief specifically calls
on agencies to involve local people in decision-making. And the
Sphere Standards have effectively granted people a ‘right
to information’. Meanwhile, as local NGOs increase in number
and competence, they are demanding more consultation. Technology
is putting more power into the hands of vulnerable people. Information
is itself a form of power. Do international organizations use information
to accumulate power for themselves or to empower others? Recommendations
to improve communication between agencies and beneficiaries are
as follows: